Zachary Noel and his friend Steven were driving into Salina, KS for a tattoo convention when they came upon a red light in a construction zone approximately 10:30 at night, so they stop.

The passenger in the vehicle, Steven, tells the Free Thought Project that they saw a “cop hanging out in the construction zone with a reflective vest on.. and a police van parked in the construction area.”

According to Steven, this was some type of “checkpoint,” which was more like a cop just hanging around in a construction zone harassing motorists.

The officer in the reflective vest walks over to the vehicle and sticks his head in the passenger side window, where Steven was sitting.

He tells them that the tint on the back window is awfully dark; to which they respond with complete indifference as this was not illegal.

He then points out that the driver, Noel, does not have on his seat belt. The light turns green and they tell the officer “okay thanks,” and drive off.

Before they make it another city block, they are greeted by 2 motorcycle cops, which is when Steven turns on the video and starts filming.

According to the paperwork the arresting officer is Salina PD officer Cranmer.

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Noel simply asks, “On what grounds?” he is being asked to get out of the vehicle; to which Cranmer replies, “Because I’m telling you to!”

Within the next 5 seconds, Cranmer asks a few more times and then proceeds to taser the driver, with no forewarning of the taser.

Cranmer claimed that they were trying to drive away and were putting the truck in drive, however there is no ‘drive’ as this vehicle is a floor shift manual.

The revving of the engine that we can hear during the tasering is likely from Noel seizing and locking up his legs, thus depressing the gas pedal, from the 50,000+ Volts being sent through is nervous system.

Noel is then arrested on charges of resisting arrest and driving under a suspended license. Neither of which were true according to Noel.

A Townsend Neighborhood BBQ was organized in a community affected by a Gang Injunction.

A gang Injunction is a violation of basic civil rights which documents and criminalizes non criminal behavior.

**A Gang Injunction Begins with law enforcement monitoring,
categorizing, and placing people on a gang database without being
required to show cause in court or defend yourself with an attorney.
That gang list expands the consequences towards the entire population in a neighborhood not just the people identified on the gang injunction list. These Neighborhoods become highly policed, highly monitored, and residents are subject to an increase in police harassment and brutality.

Common gang injunctions restrictions include: Walking, sitting, standing in specific areas, socializing with other "known gang members" as well as family, being outside passed 10:00pm, standing in front of a mural, and much more. The usual minimum penalty is 6 months in jail or $1000 fine.

**THE VIDEOS: Shows Gang Unit Officers running up to and grabbing a man saving a parking spot for his pregnant wife. After people began filming him and the community coming out, they released him.

=Officers refusing to give name and badge number. CAL. PEN. CODE § 830.10
(Any uniformed peace officer shall wear a badge, nameplate, or other device which bears clearly on its face the identification number or name of the officer.)

Gang Unit serving a minor a gang injunction notice for the 2nd time in 24 hours.

A Gang Unit officer deceptively claiming the generic print on his shirt was an official badge with name and number.

At one point the officer calls a cameraman "A tough guy behind a camera". The cameras are there to protect us from police violence and as an objective observer. This is a clear threat by the officer suggesting their behavior and the situation would have turned out differently if we had no cameras to protect us..

I dont know why cops feel they are some divine soldiers of god, where they can just go around doing what they please. Some may argue I should of just minded my own business in the first place, but after being abused by these cops numerous times I like to LEGALLY get as much documentation as possible, when I can. I didn't yell out pigs!, I simply Stood at a distance and wanted to take a quick picture. I also don't know what the guy was detained for.

Why are cops so afraid of a camera?

With Pritchett's hands and ankles cuffed, police led the suspect through a garage area in the municipal building to access a patrol car. Despite being restrained, Pritchett managed to grab a baseball bat in the garage and began to swing it at police.

Officer Billy Gardner said Polinski and Carcella grabbed Pritchett, but the suspect would not let go of the bat. Gardner said he then released Rex. The K-9 officer grabbed Pritchett by the back of his sweatpants and took him to the ground.

Gardner said Pritchett began to “calm down,” but as police walked him to the police vehicle, the suspect picked up a parking meter and threw it them, just missing Polinski's head. The meter struck Carcella in the shoulder.

Gardner released Rex again as Pritchett allegedly began to kick and head butt officers. That's when Rex bit Pritchett on his upper right thigh, Gardner said.

Pritchett grabbed and squeezed the dog's snout and then started choking the animal, police said.

As police were yelling for Pritchett to let go of Rex, he allegedly used both hands to pull the dogs mouth apart and “would not stop,” the complaint states.

Polinski and Carcella had to get on top of Pritchett, and had to use force to get him to release the dog.

All three men required medical treatment, Gardner said.

“At that point, we knew we couldn't take (Pritchett) to the jail. He needed to go to the hospital,” Gardner said.

That minivan was sitting in the front driveway of my sister-in-law’s place the night a SWAT team broke in, looking for a small amount of drugs they thought my husband’s nephew had. Some of my kids’ toys were in the front yard, but the officers claimed they had no way of knowing children might be present. Our whole family was sleeping in the same room, one bed for us, one for the girls, and a crib.

After the SWAT team broke down the door, they threw a flashbang grenade inside. It landed in my son’s crib.

Flashbang grenades were created for soldiers to use during battle. When they explode, the noise is so loud and the flash is so bright that anyone close by is temporarily blinded and deafened. It’s been three weeks since the flashbang exploded next to my sleeping baby, and he’s still covered in burns.

There’s still a hole in his chest that exposes his ribs. At least that’s what I’ve been told; I’m afraid to look.

My husband’s nephew, the one they were looking for, wasn’t there. He doesn’t even live in that house. After breaking down the door, throwing my husband to the ground, and screaming at my children, the officers – armed with M16s – filed through the house like they were playing war. They searched for drugs and never found any.

I heard my baby wailing and asked one of the officers to let me hold him. He screamed at me to sit down and shut up and blocked my view, so I couldn’t see my son. I could see a singed crib. And I could see a pool of blood. The officers yelled at me to calm down and told me my son was fine, that he’d just lost a tooth. It was only hours later when they finally let us drive to the hospital that we found out Bou Bou was in the intensive burn unit and that he’d been placed into a medically induced coma.

For the last three weeks, my husband and I have been sleeping at the hospital. We tell our son that we love him and we’ll never leave him behind. His car seat is still in the minivan, right where it’s always been, and we whisper to him that soon we’ll be taking him home with us.

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The only silver lining I can possibly see is that my baby Bou Bou’s story might make us angry enough that we stop accepting brutal SWAT raids as a normal way to fight the “war on drugs.” I know that this has happened to other families, here in Georgia and across the country. I know that SWAT teams are breaking into homes in the middle of the night, more often than not just to serve search warrants in drug cases. I know that too many local cops have stockpiled weapons that were made for soldiers to take to war. And as is usually the case with aggressive policing, I know that people of color and poor people are more likely to be targeted. I know these things because of the American Civil Liberties Union’s new report, and because I’m working with them to push for restraints on the use of SWAT.

A few nights ago, my 8-year-old woke up in the middle of the night screaming, “No, don’t kill him! You’re hurting my brother! Don’t kill him.” How can I ever make that go away? I used to tell my kids that if they were ever in trouble, they should go to the police for help. Now my kids don’t want to go to sleep at night because they’re afraid the cops will kill them or their family. It’s time to remind the cops that they should be serving and protecting our neighborhoods, not waging war on the people in them.

I pray every minute that I’ll get to hear my son’s laugh again, that I’ll get to watch him eat French fries or hear him sing his favorite song from “Frozen.” I’d give anything to watch him chase after his sisters again. I want justice for my baby, and that means making sure no other family ever has to feel this horrible pain.

Undercover Albuquerque police officers were spotted at a march to stop police brutality, and their photos have been posted online.

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Albuquerque Police Department said undercover officers are there to react and help out if anything were to happen. People took those officers pictures on Saturday, however, and protesters published them online.

Bakas said this could compromise the officers’ ability to do their jobs, and puts their lives at risk.

“If the individuals identity is now made public, he's now broadcast on the media, Internet, what have you, his effectiveness as an undercover officer has been compromised,” he said.

What if, a long time ago, the federal government noticed many of the problematic and abusive police practices about which we complain today—practices including excessive force, discriminatory harassment, false arrest, coercive sexual conduct, and unlawful stops. In response, the federal government passed a law to rein in such abuses, and assigned the Justice Department to keep police departments around the country on the straight and narrow. Then everybody patted themselves on the back and...business as usual.

That's what Stephen Rushin, a law professor at the University of Illinois, says happened with Law Enforcement Misconduct Statute 42 U.S.C. § 14141, passed in 1994. This law, according to the Department of Justice:
But a funny thing happened on the way to enforcing the law—basically, it wasn't. In "Federal Enforcement of Police Reform" a paper published in the Fordham Law Review few weeks ago, Rushin argues that the law has been used in some high-profile cases in Cincinnati, Los Angeles, New Orleans, Pittsburgh, Seattle and Washington, D.C., but that's just a tiny subset of possible applications.

"Historically, the federal government has only initiated an average of three formal investigations under Section 14141 per year," he says. "And the DOJ has only pursued full-scale reform against an average of about one department per year. There are around 18,000 police departments in the U.S."

This story is about the killing of Jonathan Ayers, the pastor of Shoal Creek Baptist Church in Lavonia, Georgia. On September 1, 2009, Pastor Ayers, 28, was driving and recognized a woman walking that he had known for a number of years, Johanna Kayla Jones Barrett. Ms. Barrett had no permanent home and was living with her boyfriend at the Relax Inn, an extended-stay motel.

Pastor Ayers offered her a ride and gave her the $23 that was in his pocket to help her out with rent. Ayers had helped the woman in the past as part of his ministry, his wife later confirmed.

Ayers and Barrett then pulled into gas station in Toccoa, where the pastor proceeded in withdrawing another $20 from an ATM.

With cash in hand, Ayers then got back into his car. Immediately, a black SUV then veered into the gas station and 3 strange men hopped out and aimed guns at Ayers’ vehicle. Fearing for his life, Ayers attempted to evade the trio of belligerent gunmen.

Unfortunately, the hostile forces weren’t carjackers or armed robbers as they appeared. They were undercover police officers dressed in plainclothes who had been trailing Ms. Bennett, who had been suspected of getting high without government permission.

When Pastor Ayers put his car in reverse and mashed his gas pedal, his vehicle grazed (or nearly grazed) Agent Chance Oxner, of the Mountain Judicial Circuit Narcotics Criminal Investigation & Suppression (NCIS) Team.

Agent Billy Shane Harrison opened fire, striking Ayers in the liver. Ayers’ vehicle continued a short distance until it crashed into a utility pole on the side of the road.

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A five-year veteran of the Howard County Police Department, Bendu was on duty that day, but said he got lost and ended up heading east on Route 100 in Anne Arundel County.

He testified he tapped his brakes near Routes 100 and 2 to warn a driver behind him that he was following too closely, but the two cars collided, sending the other car into the median.

Harris said he didn’t believe Bendu’s assertion that he tapped his brakes to warn the other driver. He said he thought Bendu, realizing he was lost, braked abruptly in an attempt to use an emergency crossing in the median.

After Anne Arundel and Howard County police responded to the scene, Bendu was cleared to return to duty. He continued east on Route 100, then attempted to make a U-turn the wrong way onto southbound Route 10, where his car was T-boned by Jaime Norfolk of Brooklyn Park.

During an interview with the Nebraska State Patrol Nincehelser allegedly admitted that he shot himself in the arm, fired several shots into his patrol vehicle and then falsely reported to his dispatcher he was chasing a fleeing vehicle.

The release notes that authorities became suspicious when several items of physical evidence did not match Nincehelser’s version of events.