The Current Events, News, and Politics Thread
#9881
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Because I post a google search return you assume I'm creating a double standard? Just trying to understand the post I replied to. Nothing about you...
Saudi political contributions
Saudi political contributions
What we read was: Hey look, the Saudis paid the Trumps 100M dollars and now they do the bidding of the Trumps -- because that logic works out.
meanwhile:
Jeff Session Opens Probe Into Hillary, Uranium One
#9885
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A World War II veteran confined to a nursing home died while his calls for help went unanswered – and the whole thing was caught on hidden camera.
The incident took place at Northeast Atlanta Health and Rehabilitation in 2014, but the footage has only recently been made public by the family as part of a lawsuit.
89-year-old James Dempsey – who served his country during World War II – called for help six times, saying he couldn’t breathe.
When he finally became unresponsive, former nursing supervisor Wanda Nuckles approached the scene after being notified by another nurse. Nuckles claimed she was doing CPR and continued to do so until paramedics arrived … Not only did she lie about the chest compressions, the staff did not call 911 until an hour later.
When nurses had difficulty getting Dempsey’s oxygen machine operational … you can hear Nuckles and others laughing.
The incident took place at Northeast Atlanta Health and Rehabilitation in 2014, but the footage has only recently been made public by the family as part of a lawsuit.
89-year-old James Dempsey – who served his country during World War II – called for help six times, saying he couldn’t breathe.
When he finally became unresponsive, former nursing supervisor Wanda Nuckles approached the scene after being notified by another nurse. Nuckles claimed she was doing CPR and continued to do so until paramedics arrived … Not only did she lie about the chest compressions, the staff did not call 911 until an hour later.
When nurses had difficulty getting Dempsey’s oxygen machine operational … you can hear Nuckles and others laughing.
#9886
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That time you were part of Propaganda in Germany of all places:
Insiderin aus Löschzentrum packt aus - The European
Insiderin aus Löschzentrum packt aus - The European
#9887
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Looks like Al Franken is gay too.
the left shouldn't go on moral witch hunts, cause they'll lose.
SEN. FRANKEN RESPONDS TO ALLEGATIONS HE GROPED, KISSED WOMAN
by Kevin Ryan
Model and sports commentator Leeann Tweeden claims Sen. Al Franken (D-MN) groped her while she was sleeping and kissed her without her consent in 2006 while she was on a USO Tour overseas. Tweeden says that kissed her forcefully during rehearsal for a skit and she pushed him away. Later on a flight, she claims Franken gr...oped her breasts while she slept, and had someone take a picture of him while he did it.
In a statement to reporters today, Franken said “I certainly don't remember the rehearsal for the skit in the same way, but I send my sincerest apologies to Leeann. As to the photo, it was clearly intended to be funny but wasn't. I shouldn't have done it.”
by Kevin Ryan
Model and sports commentator Leeann Tweeden claims Sen. Al Franken (D-MN) groped her while she was sleeping and kissed her without her consent in 2006 while she was on a USO Tour overseas. Tweeden says that kissed her forcefully during rehearsal for a skit and she pushed him away. Later on a flight, she claims Franken gr...oped her breasts while she slept, and had someone take a picture of him while he did it.
In a statement to reporters today, Franken said “I certainly don't remember the rehearsal for the skit in the same way, but I send my sincerest apologies to Leeann. As to the photo, it was clearly intended to be funny but wasn't. I shouldn't have done it.”
the left shouldn't go on moral witch hunts, cause they'll lose.
#9889
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it's the thought that counts.
This story was written in 1937.
Some of those who read the story when it was first written, told me that I was unfair to the ideals of collectivism; this was not, they said, what collectivism preaches or intends; collectivists do not mean or advocate such things; nobody advocates them.
I shall merely point out that the slogan “Production for use and not for profit” is now accepted by most men as commonplace, and a commonplace stating a proper, desirable goal. If any intelligible meaning can be discerned in that slogan at all, what is it, if not the idea that the motive of a man’s work must be the needs of others, not his own need, desire or gain?
Compulsory labor conscription is now practiced or advocated in every country on earth. What is [12] it based on, if not the idea that the state is best qualified to decide where a man can be useful to others, such usefulness being the only consideration, and that his own aims, desires, or happiness should be ignored as of no importance?
We have Councils of Vocations, Councils of Eugenics, every possible kind of Council, including a World Council—and if these do not as yet hold total power over us, is it from lack of intention?
“Social gains,” “social aims,” “social objectives” have become the daily bromides of our language. The necessity of a social justification for all activities and all existence is now taken for granted. There is no proposal outrageous enough but what its author can get a respectful hearing and approbation if he claims that in some undefined way it is for “the common good.”
Some might think—though I don’t—that nine years ago there was some excuse for men not to see the direction in which the world was going. Today, the evidence is so blatant that no excuse can be claimed by anyone any longer. Those who refuse to see it now are neither blind nor innocent.
The greatest guilt today is that of people who accept collectivism by moral default; the people who seek protection from the necessity of taking a stand, by refusing to admit to themselves the [13] nature of that which they are accepting; the people who support plans specifically designed to achieve serfdom, but hide behind the empty assertion that they are lovers of freedom, with no concrete meaning attached to the word; the people who believe that the content of ideas need not be examined, that principles need not be defined, and that facts can be eliminated by keeping one’s eyes shut. They expect, when they find themselves in a world of bloody ruins and concentration camps, to escape moral responsibility by wailing: “But I didn’t mean this!”
Those who want slavery should have the grace to name it by its proper name. They must face the full meaning of that which they are advocating or condoning; the full, exact, specific meaning of collectivism, of its logical implications, of the principles upon which it is based, and of the ultimate consequences to which these principles will lead.
They must face it, then decide whether this is what they want or not.
—AYN RAND.
April, 1946
This story was written in 1937.
Some of those who read the story when it was first written, told me that I was unfair to the ideals of collectivism; this was not, they said, what collectivism preaches or intends; collectivists do not mean or advocate such things; nobody advocates them.
I shall merely point out that the slogan “Production for use and not for profit” is now accepted by most men as commonplace, and a commonplace stating a proper, desirable goal. If any intelligible meaning can be discerned in that slogan at all, what is it, if not the idea that the motive of a man’s work must be the needs of others, not his own need, desire or gain?
Compulsory labor conscription is now practiced or advocated in every country on earth. What is [12] it based on, if not the idea that the state is best qualified to decide where a man can be useful to others, such usefulness being the only consideration, and that his own aims, desires, or happiness should be ignored as of no importance?
We have Councils of Vocations, Councils of Eugenics, every possible kind of Council, including a World Council—and if these do not as yet hold total power over us, is it from lack of intention?
“Social gains,” “social aims,” “social objectives” have become the daily bromides of our language. The necessity of a social justification for all activities and all existence is now taken for granted. There is no proposal outrageous enough but what its author can get a respectful hearing and approbation if he claims that in some undefined way it is for “the common good.”
Some might think—though I don’t—that nine years ago there was some excuse for men not to see the direction in which the world was going. Today, the evidence is so blatant that no excuse can be claimed by anyone any longer. Those who refuse to see it now are neither blind nor innocent.
The greatest guilt today is that of people who accept collectivism by moral default; the people who seek protection from the necessity of taking a stand, by refusing to admit to themselves the [13] nature of that which they are accepting; the people who support plans specifically designed to achieve serfdom, but hide behind the empty assertion that they are lovers of freedom, with no concrete meaning attached to the word; the people who believe that the content of ideas need not be examined, that principles need not be defined, and that facts can be eliminated by keeping one’s eyes shut. They expect, when they find themselves in a world of bloody ruins and concentration camps, to escape moral responsibility by wailing: “But I didn’t mean this!”
Those who want slavery should have the grace to name it by its proper name. They must face the full meaning of that which they are advocating or condoning; the full, exact, specific meaning of collectivism, of its logical implications, of the principles upon which it is based, and of the ultimate consequences to which these principles will lead.
They must face it, then decide whether this is what they want or not.
—AYN RAND.
April, 1946
#9891
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This story was written in 1937.
Some of those who read the story when it was first written, told me that I was unfair to the ideals of collectivism; this was not, they said, what collectivism preaches or intends; collectivists do not mean or advocate such things; nobody advocates them.
I shall merely point out that the slogan “Production for use and not for profit” is now accepted by most men as commonplace, and a commonplace stating a proper, desirable goal. If any intelligible meaning can be discerned in that slogan at all, what is it, if not the idea that the motive of a man’s work must be the needs of others, not his own need, desire or gain?
Compulsory labor conscription is now practiced or advocated in every country on earth. What is [12] it based on, if not the idea that the state is best qualified to decide where a man can be useful to others, such usefulness being the only consideration, and that his own aims, desires, or happiness should be ignored as of no importance?
We have Councils of Vocations, Councils of Eugenics, every possible kind of Council, including a World Council—and if these do not as yet hold total power over us, is it from lack of intention?
“Social gains,” “social aims,” “social objectives” have become the daily bromides of our language. The necessity of a social justification for all activities and all existence is now taken for granted. There is no proposal outrageous enough but what its author can get a respectful hearing and approbation if he claims that in some undefined way it is for “the common good.”
Some might think—though I don’t—that nine years ago there was some excuse for men not to see the direction in which the world was going. Today, the evidence is so blatant that no excuse can be claimed by anyone any longer. Those who refuse to see it now are neither blind nor innocent.
The greatest guilt today is that of people who accept collectivism by moral default; the people who seek protection from the necessity of taking a stand, by refusing to admit to themselves the [13] nature of that which they are accepting; the people who support plans specifically designed to achieve serfdom, but hide behind the empty assertion that they are lovers of freedom, with no concrete meaning attached to the word; the people who believe that the content of ideas need not be examined, that principles need not be defined, and that facts can be eliminated by keeping one’s eyes shut. They expect, when they find themselves in a world of bloody ruins and concentration camps, to escape moral responsibility by wailing: “But I didn’t mean this!”
Those who want slavery should have the grace to name it by its proper name. They must face the full meaning of that which they are advocating or condoning; the full, exact, specific meaning of collectivism, of its logical implications, of the principles upon which it is based, and of the ultimate consequences to which these principles will lead.
They must face it, then decide whether this is what they want or not.
—AYN RAND.
April, 1946
Some of those who read the story when it was first written, told me that I was unfair to the ideals of collectivism; this was not, they said, what collectivism preaches or intends; collectivists do not mean or advocate such things; nobody advocates them.
I shall merely point out that the slogan “Production for use and not for profit” is now accepted by most men as commonplace, and a commonplace stating a proper, desirable goal. If any intelligible meaning can be discerned in that slogan at all, what is it, if not the idea that the motive of a man’s work must be the needs of others, not his own need, desire or gain?
Compulsory labor conscription is now practiced or advocated in every country on earth. What is [12] it based on, if not the idea that the state is best qualified to decide where a man can be useful to others, such usefulness being the only consideration, and that his own aims, desires, or happiness should be ignored as of no importance?
We have Councils of Vocations, Councils of Eugenics, every possible kind of Council, including a World Council—and if these do not as yet hold total power over us, is it from lack of intention?
“Social gains,” “social aims,” “social objectives” have become the daily bromides of our language. The necessity of a social justification for all activities and all existence is now taken for granted. There is no proposal outrageous enough but what its author can get a respectful hearing and approbation if he claims that in some undefined way it is for “the common good.”
Some might think—though I don’t—that nine years ago there was some excuse for men not to see the direction in which the world was going. Today, the evidence is so blatant that no excuse can be claimed by anyone any longer. Those who refuse to see it now are neither blind nor innocent.
The greatest guilt today is that of people who accept collectivism by moral default; the people who seek protection from the necessity of taking a stand, by refusing to admit to themselves the [13] nature of that which they are accepting; the people who support plans specifically designed to achieve serfdom, but hide behind the empty assertion that they are lovers of freedom, with no concrete meaning attached to the word; the people who believe that the content of ideas need not be examined, that principles need not be defined, and that facts can be eliminated by keeping one’s eyes shut. They expect, when they find themselves in a world of bloody ruins and concentration camps, to escape moral responsibility by wailing: “But I didn’t mean this!”
Those who want slavery should have the grace to name it by its proper name. They must face the full meaning of that which they are advocating or condoning; the full, exact, specific meaning of collectivism, of its logical implications, of the principles upon which it is based, and of the ultimate consequences to which these principles will lead.
They must face it, then decide whether this is what they want or not.
—AYN RAND.
April, 1946
LOG ENTRY: SOL 381
I’ve been thinking about laws on Mars.
Yeah, I know, it’s a stupid thing to think about, but I have a lot of free time.
There’s an international treaty saying no country can lay claim to anything that’s not on Earth. And by another treaty, if you’re not in any country’s territory, maritime law applies.
So Mars is “international waters.”
NASA is an American nonmilitary organization, and it owns the Hab. So while I’m in the Hab, American law applies. As soon as I step outside, I’m in international waters. Then when I get in the rover, I’m back to American law.
Here’s the cool part: I will eventually go to Schiaparelli and commandeer the Ares 4 lander. Nobody explicitly gave me permission to do this, and they can’t until I’m aboard Ares 4 and operating the comm system. After I board Ares 4, before talking to NASA, I will take control of a craft in international waters without permission.
That makes me a pirate!
A space pirate!
- Andy Weir
Published in 2011
Published in 2011